Justice for Rohith Vemula: Prof. K. Satyanarayana speaks to students at HCU

Firstly, I would like to thank JAC for making me part of this protest, part of this hunger strike, part of this struggle. Actually there are many things I wanted to talk, because this is the place where I studied and where I struggled; and I know this place very well even though I don’t know him (Rohith Vemula) personally. And also the incident has really touched my heart and I am really upset with what has happened in the university and what has been happening in the university. There are so many things to speak about but given the time constraints I will stick to one or two issues.

First, I would really like to appriciate and thank the students community and the SC/ST faculty and the 100 faculty who have resigned and written to the president – and this is very important to note as this has never happened before in this university.  In the earlier cases it has been the students vs. faculty. Many times the Dalit students fought very lonely battles with not much support from other students and faculty. In that sense it is a very remarkable change in the university despite the conditions and despite the death. It is a remarkable kind of a change in  the university. So I really appriciate and thank the faculty and the non-teaching staff who have really supported this struggle.

And, in many senses those who are looking at the struggle from outside see it as historical. I do not know but, when we are inside we really do not pay attention to many of the larger implications of what you are doing, cause solving the immediate problem and going to classes may be your concern, maybe you are not aware of what you are doing but I would like to mention that this has been a remarkable historical kind of  struggle. This struggle has strengthened lots of  people, students, personally speaking, I know now that my VC cannot suspend me because it is very much a threat in our university. I know my students are here at HCU, they are embonded and want to have their own tent here, now. I thought, when they were suspended they want to do something but they could not do it, but now they are here , they want to take lessons from here and challenge their VC. This is the message you have sent across the country. This is what has really moved me and made me think about it and in my own way wanted to be part of this. That is why I have written those 2-3 articles basically to say that there is something historic about this struggle. Often what happens is that many historical Dalit struggles get completely diluted and the message is lost. How is the message lost? Often these struggles are seen as either demanding reservations or justifying their violence or demanding benefits from the universities and that is where it ends. These are immediate demands and  the struggle ends there. But I want to say here that this struggle has settled larger implications.

There is some fundamentally philosophical theoretical kind of message that Rohith sent and that message is something we must decode and think about in the days to come and we should not let it be ignored and rejected in this kind of campaign “What is his caste?”

I will talk only of two kind of larger implications that this struggle has opened up. And, even though it opened up at a heavy price; in fact if you think of Rohith, think of his writings, think of his courage, think of his vision and think of that letter; day-by-day we realize what an enormous loss it is. And we couldn’t afford such an enormous loss. But, despite, despite it and in fact to forget that loss and in fact to implement his own ideas and his own dreams you have really turned this struggle into a historical one.

So, two issues:

One is the issue of democratization, for lack of better word, democratization of the university campuses.  That is one of the important issues, in a sense the responses you have received from other campuses, weather it is Pune or Mumbai or others; cause all of them are more or less going through something similar that you have been experiencing. You spoke for all of them and in fact you woke them up and brought them together. That is one important kind of an agenda.

The second agenda is a much larger agenda that Rohith has opened up, that is the democratization of the society – as you have said “Annihilation of Caste is our birth right”. There is some fundamentally philosophical theoretical kind of message that Rohith sent and that message is something we must decode and think about in the days to come and we should not let it be ignored and rejected in this kind of campaign “What is his caste?” and so on. These are the two issues I really want to talk about.

Coming to the first issue, the democratization of campus – the first thing is what kind of strategy would you adopt if you want to send this message strongly that Prof. Appa Rao should not come back to the university, come what may; This is very crucial in the next 2-3 months. Because going by the history of this country, going by the history of BJP rule, nothing will happen in the judicial probe, nothing will happen in all the enquiries and nothing will happen in the police case, and all of them will come back after 3 months if you don’t intensify this struggle in ways that you will not allow them. And for example, take this first case – this SC/ST atrocities case and abetment of suicide against Prof. Appa Rao, Bandaru Dattatreya and the three others; the Telanga police have been silent on this; KCR has been silent on this; and they have not done anything so far in this matter and they have actually allowed them to get anticipatory bail. MLC Ramchandra Rao and Susheel Kumar and somebody else, three of them have got anticipatory bail; and they are waiting for Appa Rao and Dattatreya to get the anticipatory bail. Tomorrow I am telling you, tomorrow or by the day after they will get the anticipatory bail. Then the police will say we are looking for them. They are there, they are very much available, they could have been arrested and what is the issue that they are raising? They are raising the issue about caste status. I want to ask the Telangana govt and the police that – “who told you that Rohith is not a Dalit? And who gave you complaint? How can you suo moto air and go on investigating this and leak to the press that Rohith is not a Dalit? And why do you participate in this whole vilification campaign of the BJP? BJP leaders saying this, I can understand. Because their strategy has totally failed; their strategy of appropriating students, of crushing the students, of crushing the democrats has throughly failed. And Modi himself is now on his defense, he is crying that people are spreading rumors about Dalits. So in this kind of a situation I can understand them leading such a campaign, cause they are desperate.

For the next 3 months, until the enquiry is over; conduct seminars, discussions, agitations all over the country. I see that JAC and ASA has got some kind of star status; and you must use your star status; you must go as leaders to all the universities and talk about Hindutva, talk about caste discrimination; and prepare some kind of a team, maybe some All India Joint Action Committee, and have a team of twenty people.

But what about you, you are state institution, you are Telangana govt? And you could have arrested. As per the act you could have arrested. Somebody needs to raise their objection saying that such and such is not a Dalit. He has a certificate and as long as there is certificate you have to immediately act.  Why did you not act? And what is preventing you from acting, except that you want to bargain with the Modi govt? You want to bargain something for Telangana by not arresting Bandaru Dattareya? He should have been in prison by now. What are you doing? And the police have no bloody right to go and investigate. It is the district judicial collector and the revenue officials who would enquire if there is a complaint regarding caste. First of all, you have to cancel Rohith’s caste certificate if you want to do further enquiry. All that has to happen should have happened in the court. First thing your job is to arrest. At least now Mr.KCR and the police commissioner please immediately arrest him. SC/ST commission has clearly mentioned that SC/ST commissioner has ministerial powers and has declared Rohith’s identity as Dalit and SC. And you have no business to stop. Why are you waiting till the municipal elections are declared? Now that the elections are declared; looks like you are winning; are you going to arrest tomorrow? At least now do it. At least have base real formula and tomorrow arrest Prof.Appa Rao and Bandaru Dattatreya. It is your duty and you have to do this. This gives a clue that process of Democratization has started. If Appa Rao is not arrested for his crimes. If Dattatreya is not arrested for their crimes then the democratization of campuses will not happen. Because, there has to be a message across the country asserting that Modi and his govt has to take action. This is of great symbolic value that all university VCs, all the ministers will get a lesson from it. Will you do it if you are against caste discrimination? If you are against ministerial interference? You have to do it. Symbolically they have to sit in the jail. They will anyways manage and come back, that is a different matter. But, they should have been arrested. And in fact you say that it is only SC/ST atrocities case. What about the abetment of suicide case under IPC? Have you been investigating the case? Have you been arresting people under that? See, the other section on all these people is the abetment of suicide; on that also you have not acted. You are sitting pretty there and not doing anything; and this is really not appropriate.”

And in this context, you (the students) really have intensify the struggle to ensure that Appa Rao will not come back. If he is not arrested there is possibility that he will come back. Then, there is judicial enquiry. I will tell you that judicial enquiry will not start until 6 months, in fact, there was this case of a farmer from T Sunduru which they have taken 12 years to finish the judicial enquiries. So, they will take until the BJP’s term is over; they will drag this. The judicial enquiry is announced; no terms of reference are announced; the judge never comes; and what is preventing them to start the enquiry right away? What are they waiting for? Literally they will not do anything. Telangana police will sit quite, judicial commission will not come and Modi is happily talking something else. So, nothing will happen there unless you make it a really big campaign.

So, I have one or two suggestions to say; two points that I have learnt from your own literature, two kinds of agendas that we are fortunate for. One, that you represent the marginalized caste, communities and genders; and your struggle is against caste, Brahminization and Hindutva. So, this is kind of a common agenda to the entire student community. Now that you have several universities where these protests are happening; in fact I have myself got several calls from several universities like Kolapur, Mumbai, Kerala. In several places they have protest meetings and are continuing to protest; they wanted to know the details about the case. So, your JAC must contact all the universities.

In some sense Rohith by his struggle and your own struggle; there has been so much writing; you need to collect this, make a selection and bring out a book.

For the next 3 months, until the enquiry is over; conduct seminars, discussions, agitations all over the country. I see that JAC and ASA has got some kind of star status; and you must use your star status; you must go as leaders to all the universities and talk about Hindutva, talk about caste discrimination; and prepare some kind of a team, maybe some All India Joint Action Committee, and have a team of twenty people. Go to the universities and try to continue this in campus; try to tell them that judicial committee is going to give a clean chit to Appa Rao and the central govt is not going to do anything to Bandaru Dattatreya. And be ready, for after 3 months we are going to do a major struggle and that we are going to turn it into a national struggle. So, you should be prepared for it. Since you have started this remarkable struggle, you have to take it to the logical end. This is bigger, this is bigger than this; when Rohith was in the tent he spoke to his friend Riaz and he said that “In this particular kind of struggle there are MPs, BJP MPs, and ministers and it is really a bigger kind of struggle and they are bigger enemies. We do not know what we can do to them.” And, now we are in much bigger kind of battle, we are in fact fighting against Modi, Venkaiah Naidu, Chandrababu Naidu and Appa Rao; because Appa Rao’s relative is very much there in Chandrababu Naidu’s office; he is a special officer in his office. And he is appointed by Venkaiah Naidu. And this not something I am saying, but is very much clearly established in NDTV discussion and else where. So, these connections are very clear. This guy’s political connections are very clear. And their strength is very clear. Now we know it. So we have to really strengthen ourselves. Otherwise this whole struggle will not succeed. There is a chance that we are going to succeed. There is a clear chance that we are going to succeed, because the response is tremendous. I think that kind of response we should use to continue our agitation.

And another thing is that there is tremendous response in terms of writing. In fact when Modi came to power and I heard he had appointed some 300-400 people to actually handle the twitter and the facebook; and whenever someone says something about Modi for example like Modi is anti-Dalits, then there will be 10 comments saying Modi is a great man. You are a muslim. You are fool. And so on. They have setup a machinery. But when Rohith incident happened, the enormous number of articles and comments that came were much more than whatever this [BJP’s twitter-facebook] fraternal group could comment. Even on a small article they comment numerous comments; all of which are pro-Modi. But in some sense Rohith by his struggle and your own struggle; there has been so much writing; you need to collect this, make a selection and bring out a book. And you with this book must go to all the universities. There are several issues raised and lot of discussion that is happening,  and hence, you need to bring out the book.

And the other point is that a lot of people are moved by Rohith’s ideas, Rohith’s thinking and the way Rohith challenged the system and those in power. To just tell you one brief story that appeared yesterday in Sakshi; it is a story by a BJP leader; Hindu samajik samara manch had conducted Raksha Bandan program. When they conducted the Raksha Bandan program it seems Rohith went there with some group of people and argued. That fellow basically wrote to tell that we are tolerant but Rohith and the group are not tolerant. Rohith is good but other students are bad.

Now the parliament is happening; you have to write a letter; please JAC should write a letter; ask your Delhi JNU JAC to go Rahul Gandhi, to go to Khejriwal, to go to Trinamool Congress, and say that the parliament should be stalled until Appa Rao is removed; parliament should be stalled until Dattatreya is removed.

But he really mentioned two things in there, if you read in between the lines; even though it is a pro-hindutva story within it we see that Rohith has challenged the idea of Raksha Bandan saying it is a patriarchal program and so how can you conduct a patriarchal program in an university where all the women students and male students are equal. We want gender equality in the university but you say that the male members are going to protect the girls. This is a patriarchal program and therefore we oppose the program. He also said you called Ambedkar as Sri Ambedkar; Ambedkar opposed Hinduism and he never waned Sri. You should be calling Ambedkar as either Dr.Ambedkar or Babasaheb Ambedkar but can’t be humiliating Ambedkar by prefixing Sri. Not just this one incident, the article mentions 3-4 issues. He talked about Kashmir, that Kashmir is not part of India. And, India is a continent; and so on. So each of these ideas are anti-Modi kind of ideas, anti-Hindutva ideas. What I read in that article, even though in-between the lines, is that Rohith’s passionate anti-hinduvta ideas are very much there. So, you bring out a booklet with all his writings on the facebook and outside, his pamplets; whatever little is available; please bring out a booklet; because he inspired greatly, great many people he inspired all over the world without knowing them. So you have to bring out this booklet. These two things I think you must do it. Many of us outside can do it but it is you who has to do it.  So there is a merit and that is the reason why I think you have to do it. So this is the first part. So if you have to truly democratize then you have to take up this major campaign.

And the second point is that the English media keeps on saying that the politicians have come; that Rahul Gandhi has come; they are politicizing; the students have to do independently. There I want to say one point that it is the responsibility of all the political parties to support the students struggle and students’ demands. It is the students who will decide how they want to use the political parties, it is their moral responsibilities that they have to come and express their solidarities. Support them when they want. Why can’t Modi come? Why can’t Smriti Irani come? You rush first, you take a special flight and come. Rahul Gandhi came why can’t you come?  Have you no concern for Dalit students? Have you no concerns for students? You have no bloody concern so you don’t come, then you don’t raise this issue. In fact the opposing parties have come and they have their own agenda. I will tell you what  is their agenda. If you want to fight Modi, if you want to come to power next time, you can’t sit in Delhi, you can’t only do electioneering, you have to go to concrete issues and then create trouble. So they have decided that they will take special flights for certain issues and they come and they join. But we have to see how we can use them. So that now the parliament is happening; you have to write a letter; please JAC should write a letter; ask your Delhi JNU JAC to go Rahul Gandhi, to go to Khejriwal, to go to Trinamool Congress, and say that the parliament should be stalled until Appa Rao is removed; parliament should be stalled until Dattatreya is removed. Dattatreya can’t speak, the way the BJP govt and Congress do not allow their tainted ministers to speak in the parliament. Arunachal Pradesh governor made a bigger issue for Congress now, but congress has to take up, the opposition parties have to take up Rohith’s issue, the parliament should not run until Appa Rao is removed. Without the enquiry Appa Rao should be removed cause there is prima facie evidence, there are documents that I have gone through the papers; there is no way that Appa Rao can continue in this university; parliament can take a decision. President can take a decision. If you look at your statutes; visitor has the power to take that decision. You refer to the visitor, MHRD can recommend to the visitor to take out Appa Rao and there will be peace in this campus and you will also be able to stop your campaign; your all over India campaign. So the parliament should be stalled. Therefore you actively write to them, to those who have come here, that if you are genuine, if your sympathetic, if you are serious then you take up our agenda in the parliament. If you do not take this up in the parliament then we will also take up a campaign against you. This is an important kind of issue.

And politically, what Rohith did is very important. That he did not use any of these benefits under the SC category but still he decided to live like a Dalit. This is more important for me. That he really argued through the consciousness, through actual participation, through involvement you can be a Dalit and can identify with it.

Then the second part, is about Rohith’s identity. See there is an argument to be made about Rohith’s identity. My argument is that Rohith socially, legally, politically is a Dalit. Is more than a Dalit. So this is my argument, he is more than a Dalit and you have to advance this argument. Because there are many many grounds on which we are making this argument. Socially he is a Dalit because it is established by the stories that have come now, that his mother belongs to a Mala community and she has experienced discrimination; and the children have also experienced the discrimination; and they have separated from the family; and they lived separately; and they have independently come up; and more importantly in most intercaste marriages it is that the children always want to take the dominant caste’s identity. But Rohith decided to take the Dalit identity. Rohith decided that he will experience untouchability; that he will experience discrimination; he would live like a Dalit; those people could have argued that he has taken all the benefits of SC/STs, he is a false SC/ST; but no he has come through merit; he has not taken any of those state benefits; but he experienced the social life of a Dalit communities. So, who can be more Dalit than Rohith? It is not even a social kind of argument that I am making, it is the argument of the supreme court, it is the argument for several judgements where the facts of case is that the social life is very important, the location where they live and where they are identified. In several cases, I won’t go into their details where the person is born to parents from two different castes but one caste is the scheduled caste and they lived in the colony; they have experienced that discrimination; but more importantly the person also worked in the Dalit organization. And that Dalit community also accepted him. So these are the principals on which Rohith is a Dalit.

And legally, if you go to intercaste marriages website in Telagu; you have the Telangana GO and the Andra GO that clearly say that in the intercaste marriages the children have the option to choose the caste, option to choose the scheduled caste. And this is based on the 1975 circular by the home ministry of the central govt. And in fact it clearly says that it is the choice of the children and the supreme court judgement clearly makes this point that it is not a fixed rule that by default the father’s caste is the caste of the child. So legally also it is very clear.                                                       

And politically, what Rohith did is very important. That he did not use any of these benefits under the SC category but still he decided to live like a Dalit. This is more important for me. That he really argued through the consciousness, through actual participation, through involvement you can be a Dalit and can identify with it. So, identification is very important and in fact you have dalits like Udit Raj, is he a Dalit? A fellow like Udit Raj who is the stooge of the Modi govt, who is everyday critiquing the student struggle, he can’t be a Dalit, for he is not identifying with Dalit struggles and experiences. He is identifying with bloody Hindutva. So, he can’t be a Dalit. You have many fellows, yesterday that social worker minister who himself gave a statement that Rohith is not a Dalit. He is not a Dalit, because he has not identified with the Dalit experience. So you have no right to kind of accuse, humiliate and insult Rohith and his family.

And in fact, this is the last point I want to make; so what is the argument of Sushma Swaraj? What is the argument of the Smriti Irani? What is the argument of the Vaddera caste association? They are all saying Rohith is not a Dalit. Fine, on what basis? What are your arguments? They will not say anything more than that. They will only say he is not a Dalit. And they don’t even say, except the Vaddera caste association which says that the caste certificate is fake and wrongly obtained and that certificate should be cancelled; but, the BJP fellows don’t say anything. They only say that he is not a Dalit. I am asking you, you spell out your reasons; I am spelling out my reasons; I am spelling out what are the GOs; what are the judgements; on what basis you are arguing this with no other reason except for saving your own skin. That is one, but also your own ideological reasons, so you really spell out. I will spell out what their reasons are – that it is only the father’s caste that is the caste of the child. And, where is this coming from? It is coming from Hindu customary law. The Hindu customary law basically says that the father’s caste is the children’s caste. But we have come a long way from it and in fact the supreme court, though very conservative, they have also travelled quite a long from it, but you have remained there; you remained in the long gone times and you do not even want to look at these GOs. Birth is only an indicator that you experienced certain social background; certain social disabilities; but there are many other things, there are many other things and supreme court has laid down all these. It is a democratic principal; it is not about law. It is about democratic principals; where you have lived, where you have experienced discriminations and therefore these have to be considered. Why do we have reservations? Why do we have all these provisions? These are not provisions because you are a child of a particular father. It is not about the purity of the blood. In fact, this particular GO of the central govt refers to the first Hindu law only; which talks about how originally Hindu law does not allow intercaste marriages. Intercaste marriages are banned. It is ony after independence that the Hindu marriage act allows intercaste marriages with lot of conditions; from there we have travelled a lot. So, it is only your perspective from the Hindu customary law and from the perspective of Manu dharma you want to argue that Rohith is not a Dalit. It is only from Manu dharma; it is only from your patriarchal law that this claim is correct but not from modern democratic law. So on all counts socially, politically and legally Rohith is a Dalit. And Rohith in fact imagined a larger casteless society. Larger democratic society. That’s where were his own initiatives. In fact, where is this idea coming from? Your idea comes from the fact that caste is already pre-decided and imposed. So, you want to impose like a Manu an identity on Rohith? When he wants to reject identity? When he wants to choose an identity? Wherein the law allows choosing an identity, he has chosen the identity. He has chosen a political identity. You can not impose your Manu dharma.

So with this I will stop. Thank you.